Notes: Family Collectives

Ancestry Solutions'
Ancestral Collectives

Matches 4,751 to 4,800 of 4,853

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4751	WROTHAM PLACE is an antient mansion, situated on the south side of the High-street of Wrotham town, which has been for many years the habitation of genlemen. It was formerly called Nyssell's, from a family of that name, proprietors of it, one of whom, Thomas Nyssell, died possessed of it in 1498, and lies buried, with Alice his wife, in this church. From the Monument in Wrotham Church: 1498 Thomas Nysell and wife Alice, their 5 sons and 5 daughters were once below them. 1. Thomas b1475 . 2. John 1. Alice bc 1476-1497 m 1486 Martin De Bere / Beers d1498 a notary public, and secretary of the diocese of Rochester Thomas was the son of John Nissell. They lived in Wrotham Place situated in the south side of the high street formerly called Nysells which was purchased in early 1600s by John Rayneye. The family of Nisell which existed at Wrotham in the 15c has left few traces behind it. The name does not occur in many documents and these throw little light on .the family itself. - Wrotham church Kent	NISELL, John (I20131)
4752	WROTHAM PLACE is an antient mansion, situated on the south side of the High-street of Wrotham town, which has been for many years the habitation of genlemen. It was formerly called Nyssell's, from a family of that name, proprietors of it, one of whom, Thomas Nyssell, died possessed of it in 1498, and lies buried, with Alice his wife, in this church.	NISELL, Joan (I20130)
4753	WYATT, ARCHIBALD WALTER SMITH Order GRO Reference: 1898 S Quarter in TAUNTON Volume 05C Page 309	WYATT, Archibald Walter (I16521)
4754	WYATT, FREDERICK WILLIAM SMITH Order GRO Reference: 1894 J Quarter in TAUNTON Volume 05C Page 324	WYATT, Frederick William (I16519)
4755	WYLES, ADA EATON GRO Reference: 1864 M Quarter in TONBRIDGE Volume 02A Page 495	WYLES, Ada (I18345)
4756	y-dna of BAIN on Shetland: BAIN 13 24 14 10 11 14 12 12 12 13 13 30 17 09 10 11 11 25 15 19 30 15 15 16 17(96793)R1b; Scottish Mainland - Celtic / Pictish; The surname means "fair" in Gaelic. The name first appears in Orkney in 1613, with one John BAIN, of Sandwick, South Ronaldsay. In Shetland one George BAIN was in Lerwick in 1687. In Shetland the Fladdabister family has a tradition that the first of their line, John BAIN married to Margaret (or Janet) SUTHERLAND, arrived in 1588 from Caithness or Sutherland (Mainland Scotland), settling in Ocraquoy; None; Parents born in Shetland but lineage not yet provided; The matches for 25 markers in the FTDNA database show overwhelming matches to Scotland and relatively few elsewhere. As to matches at the high resolution 37 marker level, the closest at 35/37 are to two ALEXANDERS, a BUCHANAN, and another BAIN. At 34/37 the surnames all appear to be Scottish; This would seem to be a classic Scottish, and possibly Pictish signature. ================================================================================== There is a distinct possibility that John BAIN born before 1757 is a younger brother of Margaret BAIN and William who had my Williamina BAIN. John BAIN would then also be an uncle of Williamina BAIN, the daughter of William BAIN and Ann FORDYCE. What is tying these families together is the locale in which they can be found at the same times. 1. John BAIN christened his son, John, 23 Jul 1780, at Basta, North Yell. 2. George GRAY, the son of Margaret BAIN and Peter GRAY was christened at Basta, North Yell during 1764. John BAIN christened his first known son, James, on Fetlar in 1777. So, a clear correlation can be made between John BAIN, Sr. first at Fetlar and then at Basta and Margaret BAIN born at Fetlar and also moving over to Basta. =============================================================================== The Scatalds of Fetlar 1716-1717 …in the eighteenth century it was noted that the lands were divided into parishes, and these in turn into scattalds, each with 1,2 or more often 12-20 towns or Hamlets, the lands of which have a right, pro indiviso, to pasture, Peats, etc. in one and the same common speech “The Scattald”. Several records of scattalds survive, so that it is possible to work out the boundaries in some instances…Gifford’s MS Rental of Shetland, 1716-17, mentions thirteen scattalds in Fetlar. [Note mk=merklands, of half an acre each] Oddsta, 136 mk, divided into eight rooms: 1. Urie, 60 mk (6 tenants) 2. Udsta, 24 mk 3. Oddsetter, 12 mk (2 tenants) 4. Frackaseter, 6 mk (1 tenant) 5. Hamar, 17 mk (4 tenants) 6. Snabrough, 8 mk (1 tenant) 7. Uraseter, 6 mk (1 tenant) 8. Fogravell, 6 mk (1 tenant) ================================================================== Isles of Cats (Shetland Islands) Interesting anecdote about the Shetland Islands in general. “…In early Irish literature, Shetland is referred to as Inse Catt—”the Isles of Cats”, which may have been the pre-Norse inhabitants’ name for the islands. The Cat tribe also occupied parts of the northern Scottish mainland and their name can be found in Caithness, and in the Gaelic name for Sutherland (Cataibh, meaning “among the Cats”)…” “…in several specific names within that county and in the earliest recorded name for Shetland (Inse Catt, meaning “islands of the Cat people”)…” “…Watson (2005) compares this usage with the early Irish Innse Orc (islands of the boars) for Orkney and concludes that these are tribal names based on animals…” Wikipedia ======================================================================== normblog The weblog of Norman Geras https://normblog.typepad.com/normblog/2006/09/gibbets_and_gal.html « ReFrayn \| Main \| 101 great goals, and some others » September 18, 2006 Gibbets and gallows I (by Brian Smith) [Brian Smith is a historian who has been researching gallow hills in his native Shetland. Last week he delivered a paper on the subject in Lerwick, and he was kind enough to let me read it. I found it of great interest. Over the next few days, and with Brian's permission, I'll be posting it here on normblog - in serial form because the paper is rather long for a blog post. NG] Gibbets and gallows: Local rough justice in Shetland, 800-1700 1 For a long time now I've been fascinated and puzzled by the fact that there are so many places in Shetland called 'Gallow Hill', or variations on that name. There are actually 13 of them. As you know, there have never been more than 32,000 people in Shetland at one time, and in the middle ages, when I will argue that the gallow hills were in their heyday, there were probably around 12,000 at the most. It is a fearful number of gallows for a tiny community. There are, of course, gallow hills all over the world, from Scotland to Salem. People have been hanging other people for thousands of years, under the mistaken impression that it's an appropriate form of punishment and deterrence against wickedness. For many societies it has seemed as natural an activity as can be. In Thomas Hardy's Mayor of Casterbridge somebody says that, and I quote: Casterbridge is a old, hoary place o' wickedness, by all account. 'Tis recorded in history [he goes on] that we rebelled against the King one or two hundred years ago, in the time of the Romans, and that lots of us was hanged on Gallows Hill, and quartered, and our different jints sent about the country like butcher's meat; and for my part I can well believe it. But my aim tonight isn't just to argue that the gallows is 'a ghastly relic of a primitive age', as someone said at a debate in Tingwall exactly 50 years ago. It is ghastly, of course, but it isn't obsolete. I am afraid that hanging is still with us, and that it is flourishing here and there. If you are as old as I am, you will recall that it was still a popular punishment in this country in the 1950s, although rapidly becoming less so - partly because of judicial murders like the one carried out on Derek Bentley in 1953. There was still a long way to go. At that Tingwall debate in 1956, 37 Shetlanders voted against a motion 'That capital punishment should be abolished in this country', 27 voted for, and no fewer than 76 abstained. And although gross injustices like the death of Bentley eventually ensured that hanging was abolished in this country, in 2006 it is still the second most popular method of capital punishment in the world. Last year at least 144 men and two women were hanged in eight countries. What I want to do tonight is to hazard some guesses about why there are so many gallow hills in Shetland, and about the nature of the society where they were in use. It isn't a simple enquiry. There are no records of capital punishment, or about anything much here, until the 16th century, and I will be arguing that our gallow hills are much older than that. And there's a second problem. We like to think that we understand Scandinavian society in Shetland, the society that flourished from the 9th until the 15th century. We imagine that it was a law-abiding and civilized place, with its law courts at Tingwall, and Delting and Lunnasting. What we forget is that most of that period is completely invisible to us. From 800 until 1300 - half a millennium - there are no records at all about Shetland or its institutions. I will be arguing tonight that it is wrong to assume that Shetland's administrative set-up in 1300, when we know that the local law courts were in place, was ancient. I will suggest that it was very modern indeed. And my final introductory point. If we want to understand Shetland during its long history and prehistory, we can't rely on one source of information. We have no hope of understanding Shetland if we sit in our studies with books. If we do so we will fail. We need archaeology, and we need to pore over our place names and oral history. We must attend to what was happening elsewhere: in Norway, and in places even further afield. Most of all, we have to put on our walking boots. And that is why Gordon Johnston and I set out, in May this year, to look at Shetland's gallow hills. 2 I want to discuss the 13 hills systematically, and bring out the characteristics that they have in common. Gradually I shall piece together a story. Gordon and I began our survey in the very south of Shetland. There are three gallow hills in the modern parish of Dunrossness. They are the Gallow Hill at Boddam, Gulga in Sandwick, and Da Knowe o Wilga in Sooth Cunningsburgh. Gulga and Da Knowe o Wilga, at first sight strange names, are versions of the Old Norse word gálgi, which simply means gallows. The Cunningsburgh pronunciation is especially odd, but in some parts of Shetland the 'g' sound at the beginning of a word becomes 'blurred' and drops away, and in a process that linguists call centralization the 'a' sound in gálgi alters (in this case) to 'i': gálgi becomes Wilga. I regard all our gallow hills, with one exception that I will discuss last, as medieval in date. I suspect that they were all originally called gálgi, and that all had their origin early in the period when Shetland was a Scandinavian country. The translation from gálgi, or Galgeberg, to gallow hill is easy: the word for gallows is much the same in all the Germanic language. Here immediately we see a concentration of gallows in a very small area. Da Knowe o Wilga, and Gulga, in particular, are exactly two miles apart as the crow flies. And these gallow hills have two other features in common. First of all, they have stunning views from their summits. From Da Knowe o Wilga our poor miscreants would have had as last view a sight of most of Sooth and North Cunningsburgh, and even Noss, on the north, and part of Sandwick and Mousa on the south. And, more to the point, the inhabitants of those districts would have seen the gallows and its lonely passenger. The second feature of these sites is equally striking, and perhaps more surprising. Each of them has prehistoric material in its close vicinity. Take a walk on the Gallow Hill at Dunrossness and you will be staggered by the amount of material there from Shetland's long stone age. The hilltop is strewn with it. And the same is true at Sandwick and Cunningsburgh. Writing in 1911, Elizabeth Stout reported that traces of ancient burials had turned up at Gulga; and there is a large chambered cairn just below Da Knowe o Wilga. We will encounter both these characteristics of Gallow Hills, the breathtaking views and the prehistoric detritus, in almost every case we see. I'm going to mention at this point an objection that I've heard from several people as I've formulated my views about these sites. Some doubt that they can have been real gallow hills. These people hazard the view that they were called Gallow Hill simply because they were off the beaten track and looked eerie. I think there is a subtext in what they say that Shetlanders, especially our civilized Scandinavian ancestors, couldn't have been hanging people as systematically as the hills seem to suggest. They also point out to me that most of the hills have an English name - gallow hill - rather than a Scandinavian one, and that if those hills were used for hangings, that must have happened later, a habit of wicked Scots interlopers here rather than their virtuous predecessors. I think these objections are wrong. The Scandinavian countries are strewn with gallow hills, usually called Galgehøje or Galgeberg. Scandinavians of the middle ages had no objections at all to capital punishment, most often for theft. The Norwegian law is there in black and white: an ordnance of Hakon V's time says that 'anyone who steals goods to the value of two aurar shall hang'. Two aurar was two shillings, by the way. As well as hanging, the Scandinavians favoured the strangling and burial alive of women, and other choice methods. As we shall see, there were alterations in Shetland's administrative arrangements when Scots overlords came along. But that involved a reduction in the number of gallow hills in use here, not an increase. Secondly, there are important traditions that the Shetland hills were indeed used for hanging people. Most people probably don't know that Gulga in Sandwick means gallows. But there is a persistent tradition that it was a hanging site. In fact there are detailed and convincing stories about the gallows itself, and its eventual fate. The story goes that there was a big standing stone at Gulga, used as as a gibbet, which was dismantled about 1820 and cut up to make lintels for new houses there. On Good Friday in 1949 the Sandwick poet Billy Tait took a walk to Gulga, and while he was there he began to write one of Shetland's great poems, 'A day atween wadders'. Billy had been admiring the view, but the day chilled, and he became aware of his uncanny surroundings. This is what he wrote: Dan, laek dis lump At's mirknin aa da Ness an muvvin laidly Across da Sannick rigs, cam a caald stoond; An my fine wirds wilt, an I mindit da day An da place whaar I stoed. Eence a staandin-stane - A gibbet accoardin ta some - hed crooned dis broo, Bit dey caad 'im doon an his grey freestane flanks Dey shapit for lintels fur yun sam aald hoose Wi hits oonteelie name - idder leid, idder loed - At ran i my haid laek da chap an clap o a bell: Gulga, Gulgotha, goelgreff, dung an death. In the same way, there is a hanging tradition in Sooth Cunningsburgh. Some of you will have heard about Kil Hulter, the legendary sheep thief who with a young helpmate prowled around Hoo Field. When that gentleman was finally captured, according to the tale told in Cunningsburgh, the community hanged him at Da Knowe o Wilga. In other words, despite the corruption of these place names, Gulga and Wilga, the people of Sandwick and Cunningsburgh knew perfectly well that there had been gallows on the sites. To complete this introduction to our survey I shall mention two more places: the Gallow Hills in Waas and in Sooth Unst. Once again there are fine views. From the top of the Unst example you can see Uyea, Fetlar and North Yell, and there are also fine views of the east side of Uyeasound, the Westing of Unst, and north to Saxavord. Once again, the gallows would have been very visible from the adjacent and not so near townships, and also from the sea. The same is true of the Gallow Hill at Waas. And they both have prehistoric cairns near their summits. It looks as if the promoters of these hills deliberately chose gallows sites with ancient material in the vicinity. No doubt it made the surroundings, and the proceedings there, more solemn. But there is another aspect of these two sites that I want to mention, in the hope that we can take a step forward towards explaining them. Like the examples in Dunrossness, they aren't in any way 'central'. They don't sit in the middle of their respective parishes. Just as Da Knowe o Wilga was almost on the boundary between Sandwick and Cunningsburgh, the Gallow Hill at Waas is on the edge of both Waas and Sandsting. And the Gallow Hill at Uyeasoond is non-central in a different way: it is in the south of the island, and, as we shall see, there may be a gallow hill elsewhere in Unst. A third example is the Gallow Hill at Eshaness, which is more or less on the boundary with the rest of Northmavine. I repeat what I have said before: our gallow hills, and no doubt the system of justice they exemplify, were very local. They are also very old. Shetland's parish arrangements can be dated to around 1300, and the gallow hills pay no attention to them. So I suggest that the gallow hills are older. (Brian Smith) September 19, 2006 Gibbets and gallows II (by Brian Smith) [The first part is here.] Gibbets and gallows: Local rough justice in Shetland, 800-1700 3 I am moving north. Now we come to Delting and Northmavine, and the Gallow Hills at Brae and Gluss. What I have to say about these places is very speculative; but the points I make may take us a little further forward. When I told Laureen Johnson that we had been to the Gallow Hill at Brae, she said: 'You are surely been in da bleak wilderness hert o Delting da day'. Look at it. There is a burn below the hill called the Gallow Burn, and we might hazard a guess that this is the dreary route where the 'authorities' dragged the condemned men and women on their last journey. In none of the Shetland cases, in fact, is there any easy way up the hill, and I have come to believe that that was deliberate. Capital punishment was an awful and dishonourable end of someone's career, and it doesn't surprise me that it took place a long way from the townships. It was the same everywhere: the gallow hill in Oslo, for instance, is outside the city. And remember Jesus Christ's last long journey to Golgotha: 'a green hill far away/Outside a city wall'. There is a fine vista from this Gallow Hill, again, but this time there is more to see than islands and seascapes. From the summit you get a splendid view of Busta and Waddersty, two important townships on the west side of the parish. My tentative question is: are these gallow hills situated where they are because of prestigious landowners or lessees in the vicinity? Here I want to cite a document. In 1490 Hans Sigurdsson, one of the richest proprietors in Norway, died, and his family partitioned his estates. His lands here included the old royal manor farm of Papa Stour and its adjuncts elsewhere in Shetland. Among those adjuncts were Busta and Waddersty. There can be little doubt that they were prestigious townships, and they might once have had prestigious royal tenants. It may be a coincidence that Delting's Gallow Hill looms above Busta and Waddersty, but it may not. Now let's look at Gluss. This time our gallow hill is called Gulga, as in Sandwick. The name hasn't survived, but it is preserved in the name of a notch in the hillside just south of a hill with a cairn on top of it: Da Scord o Gulga. So we have assumed that the cairn-hill is Gulga. No doubt the procession to the gallows came via the Scord. Look at the mouth-watering view: to the west of Yell, through Sullom Voe, and Foula, and then to Ronas Hill on the north-west. But let's attend more closely to Gluss itself. If ever a gallow hill was attached to a township, this is the place. As at Busta and Waddersty we have no idea who lived in Gluss in the middle ages, but its very geography suggests that it was a prestigious place. There is a large block of arable land, just north of Gulga, and then a fringe of prosperous-looking satellite farms round about, with names terminating in 'setter': Fiblister, Nissetter, Bardister and Tirvister. It looks exactly like the arrangement we find at Papa Stour in 1299, and we know that Papa at that date was a prosperous royal farm. And just as Busta and Waddersty belonged to Hans Sigurdsson in 1490, so did part of Gluss. What I am hinting at is that these two gallow hills might have been related to the townships, and controlled in some way by their prosperous tenants. I have a feeling that something similar was going on at Sandwick. Gulga there is right above the parish kirk, which itself is without doubt in the ancient central township of the area. All these are suggestive examples. But for even better proof of a link between landowner and gallows, I recommend a visit to Fetlar. 4 Gordon Johnston and I went there a fortnight ago. Writing in the Shetland Folk Book in 1964, the great Fetlar folklorist Jeemsie Laurenson reported that '[t]he hole in the Gallow Hill where the gallows stood can still be seen'. We didn't really expect to find it. We walked from the main road to the television mast, and looked around for the summit of the Gallow Hill. We saw it right away. There was a strange excrescence on top of it. I now know that you can see it from all directions: even from Vatster in Yell, if you look hard enough. What is it? No scholar has noticed it, as far as I can find out, although it is well-known by older people in the west of Fetlar. It is one of Shetland's most extraordinary archaeological monuments. Right at the peak of the hill there is a square turf enclosure, still knee-high, and perfectly visible on each of its four sides. It is about 25 yards square. On the east side, nearest Tresta, there are signs of an opening, perhaps a gate. I have discussed it with Ian Tait, our expert on Shetland's vernacular structures, and he agrees with me that it can't be prehistoric, and that it certainly can't have had any modern agricultural function, given where it is. Quite simply, it is a medieval enclosure for the gallows. As Billy Thomason, formerly of Velyie, said to me: 'Yun's whar dey hanged da fokk.' And there, right in the middle it, was a big hole, faced with stone: the hole, as Jeemsie said, where the gallows stood. We can only guess what was going on there, but it was something formal. The enclosure must have been the place where executions were carried out, of course; but the function of the dyke is unclear. Was it to keep observers out? Because observers there must have been. Just as gallow hills were positioned where they could be seen from great distances, there is plenty of evidence that in medieval and modern societies the general public liked to see an execution. It wasn't until 1868, for instance, that the British parliament passed the Capital Punishment within Prisons Bill, ending public hangings, and requiring executions to be carried out behind prison walls. I strongly suspect that what we have found in Fetlar is the enclosure where the people watched their neighbours hang. So what was the administrative background to this Fetlar situation? As I have hinted, it may have been different - very different - from the Scandinavian Shetland we thought we understood. In the late middle ages, and modern times, the judicial process in Shetland took place at parish and Shetland-wide level, in parochial bailie courts and sheriff courts. Here, however, I bring another, older administrative unit into my argument: the herra. Shetland's herras are the same as the Old Norse word hérað, whose basic meaning is rural district. No one has commented on the fact before, but although Shetland's herras have been obsolete for hundreds of years, a remarkable number of them have survived in place names. There were herras in North Yell and Mid Yell, in Lunnasting and Tingwall. And there is a particularly good example in Fetlar. Right underneath the Gallow Hill we find the fertile townships of Tresta and the Fetlar glebe - Da Lower Herra - with the little places called Sooth Dale, Da Baelins and North Dale to the north, called the Upper Herra. So what were these districts? The Norwegian laws of the middle ages, especially the Gulathing and Frostathing laws, are full of references to them. They were rural districts whose inhabitants acted together, especially in judicial and administrative matters. Some of the references are to mundane matters like bridge-building in the herra; but a lot of them deal with the criminal law. 'The men of the hérað,' according to Gulathing Law, 'shall pay the fines for those who live in that hérað'. 'If a man is robbed of his goods, and can see the tracks of men leading away,' we read elsewhere in the same law-code, 'let him call in his héraðsmen' - his neighbours in the herra-district - 'and report his loss'. And in section 156 there is a requirement that two witnesses are needed to testify that a suspect of murder 'moved about through the hérað in such a way that he could have been present at the slaying...' To deal with crimes the herra had its own law court or thing. According to Frostathing Law, 'If a man is wounded in the hérað... a thing shall be called'. What I am suggesting is that the Herra in Fetlar was an ancient judicial district, with its law court and its own gallow hill. Of course, there is no contemporary evidence for any such arrangement. But the place name alone must lead us to some such conclusion. And there may also be a hint of it in an oral source, the utterance of a Fetlar woman hundreds of years after the event, staggering as that may seem. In the 1890s Jakob Jakobsen visited Fetlar, and '[d]uring my stay... ' he wrote, 'an elderly woman living there told me that, according to an old tradition, the Isle... was formerly divided into three small districts, each with its own thing, the present "Herra" being one of them.' I regard that as an amazing piece of information. As I have said, Shetland's herras had been obsolete for many centuries; but here we have an old woman who knew nothing about Norwegian history, with a good grasp of the ancient institution and its functions. And this isn't just a question of administration. Hérað society was aristocratic society par excellence. The belief that the Vikings and their successors were smallholders and democrats, fondly held by many, is rot. Historians like Willie Thomson and Frans-Arne Stylegar have shown that Orkney was full of manor farms in the early middle ages, and it is highly likely that there was a similar social structure here. Shetland's hérað-districts were small, but there can be little doubt that they and their law-courts were controlled by powerful landowners. (Brian Smith) [The third part is here.] September 20, 2006 Gibbets and gallows III (by Brian Smith) [The second part is here.] Gibbets and gallows: Local rough justice in Shetland, 800-1700 5 In Fetlar, then, we found striking archaeological evidence about the island's gallows, and a district called Da Herra that might be connected with it. Are there more examples of the same kind of thing in Shetland? I think there are three, in Unst, Yell and Tingwall, in ascending order of importance. The first case is almost too good to be true. One day in 1774 George Low, an Orkney minister and naturalist, took a walk in Unst. I was shown, he wrote, 'on the top of a precipice called the Heog... a heap of stones called by tradition a place of execution...' There are two places called the Heog in Baltasound that might fit the bill for Low's site: the Muckle Heog and the Peerie Heog, just north of Baltasound. Fortunately, an anthropologist called Ralph Tate came to Unst 70 years later, part of Shetland's first archaeological expedition, and located the place. It was the Muckle Heog, which is arguably the strangest looking hill that I will discuss tonight. It looms over Baltasound and Haraldswick. The summit of it is strewn with prehistoric material, the remains of a chambered cairn: the 'heog' that gave it its name. And Low had more to say about the hill. He heard that it was called the Hanger Heog. At the foot of it, he said, was a heap of stones 'called the House of Justice, from which one ascends by steps to the former. Tradition says [he continued] that whatever criminal ascended the steps of Hanger Heog never came down alive.' Unfortunately, he doesn't say who told him these things. I have to say that I am a bit sceptical about them. If the Muckle Heog was really called Hanger Heog, the name probably doesn't have anything to do with hanging. It is much more likely to be an Old Norse word meaning a steep overhanging hill. But the tradition about the criminals, and the place of execution, suggests that this may be yet another gallow hill; and, if so, the alleged House of Justice and the steps down the hill may be parallels to the structure that we found in Fetlar. Samuel Hibbert went to the Muckle Heog in 1818, and he got more information still. [I]f any accused person, after hearing the sentence of the Lagman, [he said,] was desirous to appeal to the voice of the people, he tried to effect his escape in a direction that led to the more westerly circle of stones situated on an adjoining hill, and if he could reach in safety that sacred site of ground, his life was preserved; but if the popular indignation was against him, he was pursued on his way to the sanctuary, and any one before he reached it might put him to death. Once again the story sounds rather fanciful, but we will find another example of it elsewhere in Shetland. I am a little sceptical about these traditions: they sound artificial and literary. But there is a possibility that they have a kernel of reality. In Yell we don't find any archaeological evidence, but we do have a place name, and an interesting tradition. And we have a Herra. The Gallows Knowe in Yell is at Holsigarth, opposite the laird's house at Windhoose. Windhoose is an ancient manor, the possession, for 11 generations, according to tradition, of a family that guttered out with somebody called Swen Johnson, around 1620. Windhoose is at the centre of the Inherra, the lands on the east side of Whalfirt Voe. The Ootherra, on the other hand, was on the other side of the voe; and since the Inherra is now largely uninhabited, the places on the west are now called, simply, the Herra. There is a fascinating tradition about the Gallow Knowe. The folklorist Laurence Williamson jotted it down in his notebook. The event is supposed to have happened in the time of Charles Neven of Windhoose in the early 18th century. Two men from Vollister in the Inherra had stolen Neven's cattle. Neven said that he would send them to Scalloway Castle to be hanged. An dey said [according to Williamson's note] dey widna go ta Scalloway. Dey wid redder be med a end o in der own ples. So dey wir hanged up on da Gallows Knowe, ower against his hoose, so at he wid hae da plesir ta see dem. Now, I don't believe for a moment that such an event happened in Yell in the 18th century. There were no local executions in Scotland in that era. I suggest, instead, that a tradition of an execution at Windhoose at some distant period, when people got hanged in their own district, may have become attached to an unpopular landlord at a later time. I now retreat from the North Isles to the very centre of Shetland. As everybody knows, it was at Tingwall that Shetlanders of the middle ages had their lawthing - their head court - and their head kirk. And half a mile away, looming over the loch, is the Gallow Hill. You can't miss it: in that parish of gentle contours its jagged top is visible for miles. There is a prehistoric dyke running along the top, so clearly marked that a modern fence has been erected to follow it. You may say: if I am right that there is a link between gallow hills, law courts and héraðs, we should certainly find a Herra in Tingwall. And we do find one. As late as the 16th century people still called the district to the north and west of the Tingwall Loch the Harray, and the word is still preserved in the names of Herrislee House and its adjacent hill. There is a tradition about these sites. John Brand, who visited Shetland in 1700, heard that the lawthing... ...is thought [as he put it] to have been keeped by the Danes, when they were in the possession of the Country. [People] also report [he continued] that when any Person received Sentence of Death upon the Holm, if afterwards he could make his escape through the crowd of People standing on the side of the Loch without being apprehended, and touch the Steeple of the Church of Tingwal, the sentence of death was Retrieved, and the Condemned obtained an Indemnity: For this Steeple in these days was held as an Asyl for Malefactours, Debitors Charged by their Creditors &c. to flee into. Exactly the same story that we heard about the Muckle Heog in Unst. I have almost finished my tour of Shetland's gallow hills. Everything that I have seen and read about the sites that I have mentioned so far suggests to me that they were in use at an early date, and that by the time we have large numbers of records, say from the 16th century on, they were more or less obsolete. That is why the few tales about them are folkloristic in nature. But the stories are coherent enough for us to guess that the gallow hills were part of a system of local rough justice. I have suggested that they were part of a local administrative and aristocratic setup different from anything we find later. Now I go on to describe what happened next, on one last gallow hill. (Brian Smith) [The fourth and final part is here.] September 21, 2006 Gibbets and gallows IV (by Brian Smith) [The third part is here.] Gibbets and gallows: Local rough justice in Shetland, 800-1700 6 When documents come on the scene things become clearer. Between the 1560s and 1615 Robert Stewart and Earl Patrick Stewart were in control of Shetland. Just as they moved the islands' central law court from Tingwall to Scalloway, as is well known, they abandoned Tingwall's Gallow Hill. Having been local, Shetland's administrative and legal set-up became increasingly central. In June 1574, for instance, Robert Stewart held a court in Scalloway, to try five men who had plundered a ship wrecked at Nesting. Robert pardoned them, but only, as the record says, 'efter thay wer haldin twa houris at the gallows fute, and ane tow about thair nek'. Robert or his son established a new Gallow Hill near Scalloway, the 'heiding hill of Berry', or the 'heiding hill of Houll', as it was called. In the 17th century, the last period of capital punishment in Shetland, we at last get to know the names of people who were executed, and of the people who executed them. Despite his reputation, there is no proof that Earl Patrick was a great hanger. In 1602 he erected gibbets in the main islands that he owned, to deter thieves; but there is no evidence that he used them. But things got worse after Patrick's time. It seems to be a rule that when regimes change in pre-industrial societies, the new overlords are very keen on law and order. Patrick's successors devoted a lot of time to crime and punishment, and several people went to the scaffold as a result - not least women. In October 1616, for instance, a year after Patrick's own execution, the sheriff court of Shetland passed sentence on three alleged witches and one habitual thief. They decided that Robert Boundson, the thief - in Lee in Tingwall - should be 'hangit to the death upoun the geibbit', and that Katherine Johnsdochter, Joonka Dyneis and Barbara Scord, the witches, should be taken by the lockman, the hangman, to the place of execution above Berrie, after noon, 'and thair to be wirryet [garrotted] at ane staik quhill they be dead, and theirefter to be brunt in ashes'. And these dreary events continued, throughout the century. Sometimes the punishment and the place of execution varied a bit. In October 1625, for instance, the lockman took Marion Thomasdochter, a sheep-thief, with her hands bound behind her back, to the point of Luckymenis Ness, somewhere near Scalloway, 'and there cast her over the craig into the sea, and drowned her to the death'. But usually the Gallow Hill was the favoured place for punishment, even if it was a lesser punishment than hanging. In February 1685 somebody called John Johnson stole a sheep in the hill between Unifirth and Brindister, in West Burrafirth, and the ranselmen caught him red-handed. It was a minor enough theft, but the judge came down hard. He ordered that John should be 'taken to the comone hangman as a bund thief, with his hands behind his back, and scurged from the castell [to] the gallows, and... receave threscoir of stryps or lasches from the hand of the said comone hangman, and therafter his lugs to be naild to the gallous, a stone being under his feitt to make it a step height, and... after he is nailld therto he may fall therfrom, the stone being takne away from under his feitt'. After that, for good measure, he sent John back to prison, prior to banishing him from Shetland forever - 'never to be sein thairin or to returne thairto under the paine of death'. I have been discussing the change from a medieval system of justice in Shetland, where decisions about life and death were taken in local districts and by potentates throughout the islands, to a 17th century one, where sentences were handed out in Scalloway. One was likely as bad as the other. Both were rough justice. The scene was ripe for further change, as the crown exerted more and more administrative control over the Scottish regions. It is very unlikely that anyone was executed in Shetland, by hanging, or drowning, or burning, after 1700. I suspect that the final victims were women: one of the last of them was Barbara Tulloch, who is referred to in the Tingwall kirk session register as 'a brunt witch' in 1693. 7 I have missed out one thing. What did the participants in these events - the victims, the hangmen, the general public - think about them? We can assume that the victims, the garrotted and burning women and the hanged men, didn't relish the situation at all. I suspect that the lockman didn't like it either. In medieval or early modern societies hangmen seem to have had to do the job, because they had been pardoned for some other crime - on condition that they killed or scourged their neighbours for the rest of their lives. The most tricky question of all is: did the general public think that capital punishment was desirable? Many of them likely did. But if they came face to face with it, as these Shetlanders did hundreds of years ago, did they like it so much? Vic Gatrell, a very fine historian of capital punishment in England between the 1770s and the 1860s, has tackled the subject. He argues that when crowds at a hanging made a commotion, they may not have been delighted, whatever it looked like. They may have been afraid, or angry, or both. A member of parliament remarked in 1868 that 'much of the disgusting levity exhibited [at executions] was no proof of indifference, but was rather an effort of unregulated minds to efface from their recollection the solemn and impressive scene they had beheld'. As Gatrell says, 'the crowd's passion helped to cancel out terror'. I quoted from Billy Tait's poem about Gulga at the beginning of this paper, and I want to end with another, by my friend Lollie Graham. 'Aald Maalie', in my opinion the best thing he has written, is an attempt to get inside the head of a Shetlander confronted with an execution. A mother and her child, Mansie, are discussing the events as a crowd drags a witch, Aald Maalie o da Gyill, towards an unspecified gallow hill. The mother searches for phrases to justify what is going on: her responses to her child are longwinded and hesitant. But as the ghastly day takes its course, mother falters, and finally breaks down. In this poem, and I shall end with a few verses from it, Lollie reconstructs with remarkable acuity how ordinary Shetlanders might have felt as they pondered their local system of capital punishment. An wha is yon dir draggin alang, midder, midder? An wha is yon dir draggin alang Nane helpin her, or carin? Surely, een dey tink is döne some wrang, Mansie, Mansie, Surely, een dey tink is döne some wrang - O look nae mair my bairn! Why are dey cerryin a fiery braand, midder, midder? Why are dey cerryin a fiery braand? Dey'll set da hedder blazin! Ta burn oot evil fae da laand, Mansie, Mansie, Tae burn oot evil fae da laand, Bairn - dönna aks da raeson. O, what's yon lowe on Gallow Hill, midder, midder? O, what's yon lowe on Gallow Hill? Da flems are leapin; see dem! Yon's pör aald Maalie o da Gyill, Mansie, Mansie Yon's pör aald Maalie o da Gyill - May da Loard abön forgie dem. [This is the concluding part of Brian Smith's paper.]	BAIN, Margaret (I6260)
4757	Year of birth derived from age of about 41 years on second marriage during 1630.	WARMAN, Richard (I14124)
4758	Yeoman A namesake: FUNERAL AT WYE, KENT Mr Valentine Austen, who died at Wye in Kent on Saturday August 21st, 1795, was buried on the Wednesday following. He had given very particular directions in his will with regard to his funeral, which were carefully attended to, and the singularities of it conducted in such a manner as to form a scene equally solemn and affecting. Between twelve and one o'clock, the procession set out from his house, and went that way which leads through the High Street up to the church. The bells were carefully muffled and rang a dumb peal. The procession was preceded by two women who were formerly his hop-tyers, strewing old hops. The band, consisting of two French horns, two bassoons, two fifes, two hautboys, two violins and a long drum, played a solemn dirge all the way to the church gate. In the church (between the psalms and the Lesson) the 104th psalm was played and sung; and from the Church to the grave, the dirge was repeated. The concourse of people was astonishingly great and they behaved with order and attention, during the whole of the ceremony. Mr Austen was ever good to the poor in his life and he remembered them at his death. He ordered to the poor hop-strewers half a guinea apiece; to every poor man resident in the parish, a quart of beer and a twopenny loaf; and to every poor child, half the quantity of bread and beer. He also left £50 to the Sunday School of Wye. This eccentric man, some years before his death, had his coffin made in readiness for that event. Source: http://www.wgma.org.uk/ AND http://www.wgma.org.uk/Res/Litery/Events/Funeral.htm From Ashford Researches on KAS website: William Austen of Ashford, maltster Will. PRC17 - 99/9 3 November 1769 to Catherine Waterman, niece of wife, £100 to exors. of trustees £500 - interest to Dorothy for life then - to nephew Thos. Ottaway of Westwell, yeo £100 " Matthew Knott of Canterbury, weaver £100 niece Mary Townsen of Wye, wid. £100 " Eliz. wife of [ ] Turner of Canterbury, weaver £100 " Mary, wife of [ ] Wyborn of Deal, tidewaiter £100. to wife mess. etc. in Ashford, in my occup. & land called Maccabee in Naccolt for life, then to Valentine Austen, and to have residue. Exors: wife Dorothy & nephew Valentine Austen of Wye, maltster. Witness: Jos. Pattenson, Saul Munn, John Gifford. Probate: 26 May 1773 to exor. [see 36/38 High St. but this is not property above]	AUSTIN, Valentine (I4689)
4759	Yeoman An inventory was taken of Henry's goods on PRC 11/61 LDS film 1066781, fol. 2 Austen, Henry of Wye, Yeoman	AUSTIN, Henry (I3882)
4760	Yeoman Will: AUSTEN Valentine Wye 1716 AD 17 RW 82 462, FHL film #0188983 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Regarding a descendant Val Austen of Wye maltster bach (35) & Sarah Weller of Hythe sp (30), at W or H. 23 Jul 1754. Book: Volume 29 Collection: Kent, Surrey, London: - Canterbury Marriage Licences, 1751-1780 (Marriage)	AUSTIN, Valentine (I4699)
4761	Yeoman of St. Nicholas at Wade, named in the Will of his half bother, John Bridges, the younger of Canterbury, grocer.	BRIDGES, Thomas (I8374)
4762	Yeoman. Oxroad, now usually called Ostrude, is a manor, situated a little distance eastward from North Eleham. It had antiently owners of the same name; Andrew de Oxroad held it of the countess of Ewe, in the reign of king Edward I. by knight's service, as appears by the book of them in the king's remembrancer's office. In the 20th year of king Edward III. John, son of Simon atte Welle, held it of the earl of Ewe by the like service. After which the Hencles became possessed of it, from the reign of king Henry IV. to that of king Henry VIII. when Isabel, daughter of Tho. Hencle, marrying John Beane, entitled him to it, and in his descendants it continued till king Charles I.'s reign, when it was alienated to Mr. Daniel Shatterden, gent. of this parish [source: Hasted's History] Among the State Papers in the Eecord Office there is a^curious certificate signed by the vicar and churchwarden of Elham. It runs thus :* " Theise are to eertifye^that Tho. Neuett of Elham that is appoynted to beare armes is a poore man, a carpenter by trade, that hath noethinge but what he getts by his labour, in witness whereof.we have sett to our hands. " Thos. Allen, vicar of Elham. " "William Tucker, Churchwarden. " Edmund Wyse. " John Beane." * ' Domestic State Papers,' Charles I., vol. xiv., No. 71. The certificate is undated but is supposed to belong to the year 1625. Why or how Nevett obtained a grant of armorial bearings it is difficult to say. Perhaps he was a scion of the family of Knyvett, or it may be that this is the instance of a corrupt grant of arms, for which John Philipot and Sir Henry St. George are said to have been fined in 1639.* [Source: http://www.kentarchaeology.org.uk/Research/Pub/ArchCant/010%20-%201876/010-06.pdf, Archaelogia Cantiana, vol. 10, 1876, p. 46. "St. Mary's Church, Elham"] CCA-DCb-J - Judicial (Church Courts) J 69 - Ecclesiastical cause papers Title Ecclesiastical cause papers Ref No CCA-DCb-J/J/69/119 Alt Ref No CCA-DCb-J/J/69/119 Description Pl: John BEANE Elham; Def.: Rich GIBBON Elham Date ? 17th Cent CCA-DCb-J - Judicial (Church Courts) J 59 - Ecclesiastical cause papers Title Ecclesiastical cause papers Ref No CCA-DCb-J/J/59/32 Alt Ref No CCA-DCb-J/J/59/32 Description Pl: John BEANE Elham; Def.: Rich GIBBON Elham; Documents: Arts; Case: D Date 28 Jul 1636 CCA-DCb-J - Judicial (Church Courts) J 65 - Ecclesiastical cause papers Title Ecclesiastical cause papers Ref No CCA-DCb-J/J/65/83 Alt Ref No CCA-DCb-J/J/65/83 Description Pl: John BEANE Elham; Def.: Rich GIBBON; Documents: Ans Date 17 Feb 1637 CCA-DCb-J - Judicial (Church Courts) J 61 - Ecclesiastical cause papers Title Ecclesiastical cause papers Ref No CCA-DCb-J/J/61/117 Alt Ref No CCA-DCb-J/J/61/117 Description Pl: John BEANE Elham; Def.: Rich GIBBON Elham; Documents: Ans; Case: D Date 13 May 1637 CCA-DCb-PRC - PROBATE / COURT RECORDS 18 - Archdeaconry court: miscellaneous records 32 - Papers in causes Title Inventory: Jn BEANE, Elham; yeo Ref No CCA-DCb-PRC/18/32/30 Alt Ref No CCA-DCb-PRC/18/32/30 Date 26 Jul 1666 CCA-DCb-PRC - PROBATE / COURT RECORDS 18 - Archdeaconry court: miscellaneous records 35 - Papers in causes Title Archdeaconry Court Miscellaneous Ref No CCA-DCb-PRC/18/35/3 Alt Ref No CCA-DCb-PRC/18/35/3 Description Plaintiff: Anne LADD als KNOTT wo Jas LADD, dau, leg; Defendant: Jas BEANE Elham, exor; Document: Repl (Beane); Case: Testm (Prisc HOGBEN wid, Elham) Date 1676 ? CCA-DCb-PRC - PROBATE / COURT RECORDS 18 - Archdeaconry court: miscellaneous records 36 - Papers in causes Title Archdeaconry Court Miscellaneous Ref No CCA-DCb-PRC/18/36/45 Alt Ref No CCA-DCb-PRC/18/36/45 Description Plaintiff: Anne LADD als KNOTT; dau, leg; Defendant: Jas BEANE Elham, exor; Document: All & Allc; Case: Testm (Prisc HOGBEN wid, Elham) Date 23 Mar 1680 Related Material See also: DCb/PRC/18/35/3; 36/14 CCA-DCb-PRC - PROBATE / COURT RECORDS 18 - Archdeaconry court: miscellaneous records 36 - Papers in causes Title Archdeaconry Court Miscellaneous Ref No CCA-DCb-PRC/18/36/45 Alt Ref No CCA-DCb-PRC/18/36/45 Description Plaintiff: Anne LADD als KNOTT; dau, leg; Defendant: Jas BEANE Elham, exor; Document: All & Allc; Case: Testm (Prisc HOGBEN wid, Elham) Date 23 Mar 1680 Related Material See also: DCb/PRC/18/35/3; 36/14 CCA-DCb-PRC - PROBATE / COURT RECORDS 18 - Archdeaconry court: miscellaneous records 36 - Papers in causes Title Archdeaconry Court Miscellaneous Ref No CCA-DCb-PRC/18/36/14 Alt Ref No CCA-DCb-PRC/18/36/14 Description Plaintiff: Anne LADD als KNOTT; dau, leg; Defendant: Jas BEANE Elham, exor; Document: Exh; Case: Testm (Prisc HOGBEN wid, Elham) Inventory: Prisc HOGBEN Date Sep 1680 ? Related Material See also: DCb/PRC/18/35/3; 36/45 --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- \marriage of potential parents: Beane, John, and Joan Nethersole of Hawkinge, v. At St. Margaret's, Cant. June 19, 1577. Beane, John, of Elham, and Joan Rose of Chislet, v. At Chislet. Dec. 7, 1586. Beane, John, of Elham, and Agnes Rucke, s. p., w. Feb. 26, 1596.	BEANE, John (I14276)
4763	York Herald	HALES, Esq. Humphrey (I6910)
4764	YOUNG WILLIAM DOUGLAS age 74 Year of Death 1964 Ref #231/2 11 District: Peterculter West Valuation Rolls 1925 YOUNG WILLIAM DOUGLAS Tenant Occupier HOUSE 7 BELGRAVE PLACE ST JOHNS ROAD CORSTORPHINE EDINBURGH 1925 VR010000511- 1930 YOUNG WILLIAM DOUGLAS Tenant Occupier HOUSE 7 BELGRAVE PLACE ST JOHNS ROAD CORSTORPHINE EDINBURGH 1930 VR010000631- Buy credits YOUNG WILLIAM DOUGLAS Proprietor Occupier HOUSE 203 ST JOHNS ROAD CORSTORPHINE EDINBURGH 1930 VR010000632- 1935 YOUNG WILLIAM DOUGLAS Proprietor Occupier HOUSE 203 ST JOHNS ROAD CORSTORPHINE EDINBURGH 1935 VR010000751- 1940 Surname Forename Title Status Place Parish Year Reference Number Image View YOUNG WILLIAM DOUGLAS Proprietor HOUSE 203 ST JOHNS ROAD EDINBURGH 1940 VR010000871-	YOUNG, William Douglas (I22)
4765	Youngest son.	KEMPE, Robert (I8870)
4766	Yves I (Ivo) de Bellême Lord of Bellême, living 1005. Yves was the first known lord of Bellême, south of Normandy, a powerful lordship during the late tenth and eleventh centuries which eventually passed to heiresses in the late eleventh century. He was succeeded at some time after 1005 by his son Guillaume, and his son Yves II also became lord of Bellême (in succession to Guillaume's son Robert). As discussed below in the Commentary section, the origin of this family is a difficult problem which has not yet been definitively settled. Date of Birth: Unknown. Place of Birth: Unknown. Date of Death: After 1005. Yves gave Magny-le-Désert to Gauzlin, abbot of Fleury, who did not become abbot until 1005 ["Ivo Belesmensis, ..., hujus dilecti Dei Haudquaquam immemor extitit, Magniacum cedendo illi. Quo tamen defuncto, Willelmus, ejus filius, ..." Vita Gauzlini, c. 9, 282; White (1940): 73-4] Place of Death: Unknown. Father: Unknown. Mother: Unknown. See the Commentary section. Spouse: Godehilde, living 1005, survived her husband. Yves mentions his wife Godehilde in a charter of uncertain date ["... ego Ivo, ..., in castro meo Belismo, ..., et pro anime mee, conjugisque mee Godehildis, sive filiis meis vel genitoribus meis remedio, ..." Cart. Marmoutier, 1-2 (#1)]. She also appears with her son Guillaume [see below]. Children: Yves and Godehilde are directly attested as the parents of Guillaume and Avesgaud. The other children are documented by their connection to one of these two siblings. The chronology of the children of Yves and Godehilde is uncertain, because much of what is known comes from charters which can only be dated to within certain ranges. MALE Guillaume I, d. after 1027, lord of Bellême, after 1005-after 1027. Guillaume and his mother Godehilde confirmed a charter of Yves after the latter's death ["Post obitum autem Ivonis, ego Willelmus et Godehildis mater mea, ..." Cart. Marmoutier, 3 (#1)]. According to Guillaume de Jumièges, he fought against duke Robert of Normandy, placing his death after the accession of that duke [GND vi, 4; vol. 2, pp. 48-51]. Guillaume is called a brother of bishop Avesgaud by the Actus Pontificum Cenomannis ["... petivit praesul Belismum, fratris sui Guillelmi castellum, ..." Act. Pont. Cenom., c. 30, 356]. MALE Avesgaud, d. Verdun, 27 October 1036, bishop of Le Mans, ca. 1004 - 1036. Avesgaud names his parents as Yves and Godehilde ["Ego Avesgaudus, Cenomannensium presul, ... etiam mea meorumque parentaum, Ivonis scilicet atque Godehildis, ..." Act. Pont. Cenom., c. 30, 356 n. 7, citing Livre blanc (imp.), 69, #121, De domo Ardentium]. Also, as noted above, Guillaume de Bellême is called his brother by the Actus [Act. Pont. Cenom., c. 30, 356]. Avesgaud is called the nepos of Seifrid, his predecessor as bishop of Le Mans ["Sepulto autem Segenfrido, episcopo et monacho, domnus Avesgaudus, nepos ipsius, sedem episcopalem suscepit." Act. Pont. Cenom., c. 30, 355]. [Date and place of death: "1036. Obiit Avesgaudus Cenomannorum episcopus, post quem nepos eius Gervasius eodem anno factus est episcopus." Annales Remenses et Colonienses, MGH SS 16: 731; 27 Oct: "obiit Avesgaudus, Cenomanensium episcopus." Nec. Mans, 285; Nec. Verdun, 289; "Annualis avunculi mei domini Avesgaudi, episcopi, quotannis decenter agatur, qui Iherosolimis rediens, apud Verdunis, VI kalendas novembris, obiit in pace, ibique sepultus est ..." Act. Pont. Cenom., c. 31, 370] MALE Yves II, lord of Bellême, probably in the 1040's. Robert, son and successor of Guillaume I as lord of Bellême, was in turn succeeded by his uncle Yves ["Post mortem autem Rotberti, filii Wilelmi, Ivo suus avunculus, succeedens heriditati dedit, pro anima sui nepotis Rotberti ..." Cart. Marmoutier, 4 (#1)]. The usually overlooked succession of Yves II was pointed out by Kathleen Thompson, who would place the rule of Yves over the lordship in the 1040's [Thompson (1985): 217-9]. FEMALE Hildeburge, d. 27 October 1024; m. Hamon, d. 15 January 1031, lord of Château-du-Loir. Actus Pontificum Cenomannis states that she was the eldest sister of Avesgaud, and calls Godehilde the second sister ["... emit a canonicis suis ecclesaim de Prorigniaco et ecclesiam de Loiaco, et dedit unam Hildeburgi, sorori suae primogenitae, et alteram Godehildae, germanae suae secundae." Act. Pont. Cenom., c. 30, 357]. In his testament, bishop Gervaise mentions his avuculus Avesgaud and his parents Hamon and Hildeburge, sister of Avesgaud ["Ego Gervasius, sancte Cenomannensis ecclesie, non merito, presul ... et avunculi mei Avesgaudi ... necnon et genotoris cum genetrice mea, Haimonis scilicet et Hildeburga, ... avunculi mei domini Avesgaudi, episcopi, ... sororis ejus, matris quippe mee Hyldeburge: nec pretermittatur ille patris mei Haimonis ..." ibid., c. 31, 367-371]. For the erroneous alleged marriage of Hildeburge to a certain Albert, see the page of Hildeburge. FEMALE Godehilde. As noted above, Actus Pontificum Cenomannis states that she was the second sister of Avesgaud [Act. Pont. Cenom., c. 30, 357]. There does not seem to be any other early reference to her, but that has not stopped some scholars from attempting to marry her off to various individuals. The editors of the Actus, Busson and Ledru, suggested the tentative identification that Godehilde was the same person as a certain Godehilde who was wife of Raoul, viscount of Le Mans [ibid., 357 n. 6], but Keats-Rohan pointed out that this identification is not chronologically feasible [Keats-Rohan (1994), 16]. Godehilde has sometimes been given the marriage to a certain Albert that is often wrongly assigned to her sister Hildeburge [e.g., Bry (1620), 137; Boussard (1951), 46-7], but since Godehilde was younger than Hildeburge, the chronological reasons for rejecting the marriage of Hildeburge to Albert also apply to any supposed marriage of Godehilde and Albert. The commonly used Europäische Stammtafeln combines these two errors by having Godehilde marry first Albert de la Ferté-en-Beauce and second a viscount of Maine [ES 3.4: 636]. White errs in making Godehilde (rather than Hildeburge) the wife of Hamon de Château-du-Loir [White (1940): 75-6, 98], but it is well attested that Hildeburge was Hamon's wife. Thus, none of the attempts to give Godehilde a husband rests on a sound basis. Probable brother or brother-in-law: Seifrid, d. 16 February of an unknown year [Nec. Mans 39], bishop of Le Mans, ca. 971-1004. As noted above, Avesgaud is called a nepos of Seifrid, probably to be interpreted as "nephew" in this case [Act. Pont. Cenom., c. 30, 355]. See the Commentary section for more on the possible relationship of Seifrid and Yves. Possible brother or brother-in-law: Fulcoin. Possible sister or sister-in-law: Rothais. Possible nephew: Yves, fl. 996×1004, son of Fulcoin and Rothais. Since Yves, grantor of the foundation charter of Abayette, son of Fulcoin and Rothais, mentioned bishop Seifrid as his avunculus, who in turn calls Avesgaud his nepos, and since it is natural to conjecture a connection between the two men named Yves, there is a good possibility that Yves de Bellême was an uncle of Yves, founder of Abayette. See the Commentary section. Commentary Much has been written regarding the parentage of Yves de Bellême, but there is still no definitive solution to this problem. Supposed father (unlikely): Yves de Creil, fl. 945 (living 981?). Supposed mother (unlikely): Geile, living 981. The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis mentions a certain "Ivo de Credolio regis balistarius" [OV 3: 306] who was earlier called the father of Guillaume de Bellême in an addition by Orderic Vitalis to the Gesta Normannorum Ducum of Guillaume de Jumièges [GND iv, 4 (vol. 1, pp. 104-5)]. This Yves de Creil (Ivo de Credulio) has then been plausibly identified with a certain Yves who had a wife Geile and son Yves [see White (1940): 68-73], but no direct evidence has been found for a connection of these individuals with the lords of Bellême. Since it is not chronologically plausible for this Yves de Creil to be the father of Guillaume de Bellême, those who accept Orderic's account as having some foundation have instead added a generation by placing Yves de Creil as the father of Yves de Bellême, although White, who accepted this scenario, was careful to call the link probable rather than proven [White (1940): 71, 98]. Since this theory has as its only support a noncontemporary source which is evidently false in the statement it gives, is not supported by a later statement by the same author (Orderic, who omitted the supposed connection to Guillaume de Bellême in his ecclesiastical history), and other indications seem to place the origins of the Bellême closer to home (see in particular the three papers of Keats-Rohan in the bibliography), this scenario seems unlikely. Most recent discussions of the origin of Yves de Bellême have centered on the fact that his son bishop Avesgaud of Le Mans was a nepos (here almost certainly meaning "nephew") of his predecessor Seifrid, who was in turn an avunculus of a another Yves/Ivo, son of Fulcoin, grantor of the foundation charter of Abbayette (996×1004), in which Ivo granted the charter "... cum consensu et uoluntate meorum parentum, duarum uidelicet sororum mearum: Billehendis atque Erenburgis, necnon duorum auunculorum: Seinfredi episcopi et Guillelmi, atque cognatorum: Guillelmi clerici, Roberti Sutsardi rursusque Guillelmi laici... pro salute anime meae atque patris mei Fulconii et matris mee Rothais et omnium meorum parentum ..." (... with the consent and will of my relatives, viz., two of my sisters Billehendis and Erenburgis, and also two uncles, bishop Senfridus and Guillelmus, and relatives Guillelmus clericus, Robertus[,] Sutsardus, and finally Guillelmus laicus ... for the health of my soul and of my father Fulconus and my mother Rothais and all of my relatives ...) [Keats-Rohan (1994), 24]. Although it is certain that Yves de Bellême and Yves son of Fulcoin were different individuals, their careless identification as the same individual has led some to the following false parentage for Yves de Bellême: Falsely attributed father: Fulcoin. Falsely attributed mother: Rothais. (While most of the standard sources have avoided this error, it can be occasionally found in internet genealogies.) As has been pointed out before [e.g., White (1940): 91-5], the fact that Yves de Bellême was not among those consenting to the Abbayette charter makes it difficult (but not decisively so) to make Yves de Bellême a full brother of bishop Seifrid, since if the latter had some interest in the property which required his consent, then it is likely that the former did also. Thus, White (1940): 91-5, makes Seifrid a brother of Godehilde, wife of Yves. Keats-Rohan (1996, 1997), setting aside an earlier opinion that Yves and Seifird might have been full brothers [Keats-Rohan (1994): 14], suggested that they were in fact uterine brothers (which would get rid of the difficulty mentioned above), and conjectured that the parents of Yves de Bellême may have been as follows: Proposed father (very conjectural): Hervé, count of Mortagne. Proposed mother (very conjectural): [Hildeburge], daughter of Raoul II, viscount of Le Mans. These proposed relationships are a part of a lengthy discussion which takes place across the three papers of Keats-Rohan cited below, but no direct evidence can be cited in support of either of these relationships, and in fact some of the relationships which lead up to these suggestions are themselves conjectural. There is no direct evidence that Raoul II had a daughter named Hildeburge (whose name is itself a conjecture for onomastic reasons), nor that Hervé was married to a daughter of Raoul. Although these conjectures form a good stimulus for further research, they cannot be accepted without further evidence. Conjectured sister (plausible): Hildeburge, m. Albert, brother of Anno, abbot of Jumièges and Saint-Mesmin de Micy. (parents of Albert, abbot of Saint-Mesmin de Micy) In a charter of 1023×7, abbot Albert of Saint-Mesmin de Micy donates property in Bellême from his maternal inheritance ["Ego Albertus, abbas abbatiae sanctorum Stephani prothomartyris et Christi confessoris Maximini, ..., erat michi quidam alodus ex materna hereditate, ..., dedi pro remedio anime meae filiique mei Arnulfi, Turonensis archiepiscopi, et parentum meorum, ... Est autem ipse alodus in pago Bethlemensi, quem vocant Domna Maria, ..." Cart. Jumièges, 24 (39); also in Bry (1620), 51]. This confirms the Bellême origin of Albert's mother Hildeburge, and she is often identified with Hildeburge, daughter of Yves, and assigned consecutive marriages to Albert and Hamon, in that order [Depoin (1909), 156-8; Head (1990), 227 n. 126]. However, as is discussed on the page of Hildeburge, daughter of Yves, this identification is not chronologically feasible. In fact, the elder Albert's wife Hildeburge appears to be about a generation earlier than the other Hildeburge, daughter of Yves and wife of Hamon. A close relationship between the two Hildeburges is a definite possibility, and Keats-Rohan, following Louise, would make the elder Hildeburge a sister of Yves de Bellême [Keats-Rohan (1996), 17, 27-8, 20 & n. 40, citing Louise (1990-1), 1: 161 (not seen by me)]. Bibliography Act. Pont. Cenom. = Busson & Ledru, eds., Actus Pontificum Cenomannis in urbe Degentium (Archives Historiques du Maine 2, Le Mans, 1902). Boussard (1951) = Jacques Boussard, "La seigneurie de Bellême aux Xe et XIe siècles", in Mélanges d'Histoire du Moyen Âge dédiés à la mémoire de Louis Halphen (Paris, 1951). Bry (1620) = Gilles Bry, Histoire des pays et comté dv Perche et dvché d'Alençon (Paris, 1620). Cart. Jumièges = J.-J. Vernier, ed., Chartes de l'abbaye de Jumièges (v. 825 à 1204), 2 vols. (Rouen & Paris, 1916). Cart. Marmoutier = M. Barret, ed., Cartulaire de Marmoutier pour le Perche (Mortagne, 1894). Depoin (1909) = Joseph Depoin, "Les premiers anneaux de la maison de Bellême - Contribution à la chronologie des évèques du Mans", Bulletin Historique et Philologique du Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques, 1909: 147-167. ES = Detlev Schwennicke, Europäische Stammtafeln (neue Folge), (Marburg, 1980-present). GND = Guillaume de Jumièges, Gesta Normannorum Ducum, as edited in Elisabeth van Houts, ed. & trans., The Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumièges, Orderic Vitalis and Robert of Torigni, 2 vols., (Oxford, 1992). Citation is by book and chapter of Guillaume's work, followed by the volume and page number of the edition by van Houts. Head (1990) = Thomas Head, Hagiography and the Cult of Saints: The Diocese of Orléans 800-1200 (Cambridge University Press, 1990). Keats-Rohan (1994) = K. S. B. Keats-Rohan, "Two Studies in North French Prosopography", Journal of Medieval History 20 (1994): 3-37. Keats-Rohan (1996) = K. S. B. Keats-Rohan, "Politique et Parentèle: Les comtes, vicomtes et évèques du Maine c. 940-1050", Francia 23 (1996): 13-30. Keats-Rohan (1997) = K. S. B. Keats-Rohan, "'Un vassal sans histoire'?: Count Hugh II (c.940/955-992) and the origins of Angevin overlordship in Maine", in K. S. B. Keats-Rohan, ed., Family Trees and the Roots of Politics (Woodbridge, Suffolk, 1997): 189-210. Louise (1990-1) = Gérard Louise, La seigneurie de Bellême, Xe-XIIe siècles (Le pays Bas-Normand, 83e année, 1990-1). [I have not seen this source.] Nec. Mans = Busson & Ledru, Nécrologe-obituaire de la Cathédrale du Mans (Archives Historiques du Maine 7, Le Mans, 1906). Nec. Verdun = Ch. Aimond, "Le Nécrologe de la Cathédrale de Verdun", Jahrbuch der Gesellschaft für lothringisches Geschichte und Altertumskunde/Annuaire de la Société d'Histoire et Archéologie Lorraine 21.2 (1909), 132-314. OV = Marjorie Chibnall, ed. & trans., The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, 6 vols. (Oxford, 1969-80). Thompson (1985) = Kathleen Thompson, "Family and influence to the south of Normandy in the eleventh century: the lordship of Bellême", Journal of Medieval History 11 (1985): 215-226. Vita Gauzlini = Léopold Delisle, "Vie de Gauzlin, abbé de Fleuri et archevèque de Bourges, par André de Fleuri", Mémoires de la Société Archéologique de l'Orléanais 2 (1853): 257-322. Also edited more recently in Robert-Henri Bautier & Gillette Labory, ed. & trans., André de Fleury, Vie de Gauzlin, abbé de Fleury (Vita Gauzlini abbatis Floriacensis monasterii) (Paris, 1969). Citations are from Delisle's edition White (1940) = Geoffrey H. White, "The First House of Bellême", Trans. Royal Hist. Soc. ser. 4, 22 (1940): 67-99. Compiled by Stewart Baldwin First uploaded 7 July 2005. Revision uploaded 24 January 2011 (rewrote sections on Hildeburge and Godehilde, and added conjectured sister Hildeburge) [Source: http://sbaldw.home.mindspring.com/hproject/prov/yves0000.htm] --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Yves de Bellême (died c. 1005), Seigneur de Bellême, the first known progenitor of the House of Bellême. Contents [hide] 1 Life 2 Family 3 Notes 4 References 5 External References Life[edit] Yves was probably the son of Yves de Creil,[a][1] one of those who saved young Duke Richard I from death or mutilation at hand of King Louis IV of France.[2] Yves de Bellême held the castle and lands of Bellême, of the King of France, as well as the Sonnois and part of the Passais, both held of the Count of Maine.[3] That he held part of the march-lands of Passais is known from his having given abbot Gauzlin of Fleury Abbey the lands of Magny-le-Désert.[1] His wife was named Godeheut and although her parentage is unknown, she was the sister of Seinfroy, Bishop of Le Mans.[4][5] Yves was the founder of a church dedicated to the Virgin Mary in his castle of Bellême and endowed it with a church in the Sonoisis, another at Vieux Bellême plus a vill and three other churches in the Hiesmois.[1] Yves died sometime after 1005.[6] Family[edit] Yves de Bellême and his wife Godeheut had five children: William of Bellême (960/5 - 1028), succeeded his father as seigneur de Bellême.[4][5] Yves de Bellême (d. 1030), Abbot of Fleury.[5] Avesgaud de Bellême (d. 1036), Bishop of Le Mans.[5] Hildeburg, abt. 1006 married Aimon, Seigneur de Chateau-du-Loir.[5] Godehilde,[5] married Hamon-aux-Dents or Hamon Le Dentu, he was the 1st Baron of Le Creully and he was Lord over Creully, Torigni, Évrecy & St. Scolasse-sur-Sarthe, but he lost all his lands, after trying to kill William the bastard, in the battle of Val-ès-Dunes, Normandy, France Portal icon Normandy portal Notes[edit] Jump up ^ Yves de Criel and Yves de Bellême are confused by several sources and thought to be the same person by some. Yves de Criel, who was instrumental in saving young Richard I of Normandy would not chronologically be possible to be the same as Yves de Bellême, the subject of this article, who died c. 1005. Geoffrey White believed Yves de Criel was probably the father of Yves de Bellême, which was also accepted by all the French writers, but was of the opinion it should not be stated as fact as it was by Prentout. See: Geoffrey H. White, The First House of Bellême, TRHS, Vol. 22 (1940), pp. 70-71. References[edit] ^ Jump up to: a b c Geoffrey H. White, The First House of Bellême, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fourth Series, Vol. 22 (1940), p. 73 Jump up ^ The Gesta Normannorum Ducum of William of Jumieges, Orderic Vatalis, and Robert of Torigni, Vol. I, ed. & trans. Elisabeth M.C. van Houts (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1992) pp. 103, 105 Jump up ^ Kathleen Thompson, 'Robert of Bellême Reconsidered', Anglo-Norman Studies XIII: Proceedings of the Battle Conference, 1990, Ed. Marjorie Chibnall (The Boydell Press, Woodbridge, UK, 1991), p. 264 ^ Jump up to: a b Geoffrey H. White, The First House of Bellême, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fourth Series, Vol. 22 (1940), p. 72 ^ Jump up to: a b c d e f Detlev Schwennicke, Europäische Stammtafeln: Stammtafeln zur Geschichte der Europäischen Staaten, Neue Folge, Band III Teilband 4 (Verlag von J. A. Stargardt, Marburg, Germany, 1989), Tafel 636 Jump up ^ Geoffrey H. White, The First House of Bellême, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, Fourth Series, Vol. 22 (1940), p. 74 & n. 2 [Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yves_de_Bell%C3%AAme] -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------	DE BELLEME, Yves (I14068)
4767	[Geoffroy's wife = a Robert de Mortain's daughter need to be confirmed] --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Gorham, a well-known family from Bretagne. [Source: "The Norman people and their existing descendants in the British dominions and the United States of America ..". (London, H.S. King & co., 1874.) p. 263] --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Source : "Riwallon Ier de Dol, surnommé Capra Canuta (Chèvre Chenue), né en 1015 et mort en 1065, est seigneur de Combourg et avoué de Dol soit < signifer sancti Samsonis > (c'est-à-dire porte-enseigne de Saint Samson). Riwallon est le fils du vicomte Hamon Ier d'Aleth et de son épouse Roianteline fille de Riwall. Il appartient à la famille des vicomtes d'Aleth dynastie qui contrôle le nord-est de la Bretagne et est aussi à l'origine des seigneurs de Dinan et de Combourg. Il doit sa charge de porte-enseigne de Saint Samson à son frère Junguénée (mort vers 1049), archevêque de Dol-de-Bretagne, qui est également à l'origine de la construction du château de Combourg situé à quatre lieues de la cité archiépiscopale et dont il confie la garde à Riwallon. Riwallon, vassal du duc Conan II de Bretagne, entre en rébellion contre son suzerain et fait appel au duc de Normandie Guillaume le Conquérant dans son affrontement avec le duc de Bretagne. Ce dernier qui assiégeait Dol-de-Bretagne est battu en 1064 mais le duc de Normandie ne pousse pas son avantage plus avant en Bretagne1 Guillaume sera d'ailleurs assez rapidement occupé à une tâche d'une autre envergure avec la conquête de l'Angleterre. Riwallon épousa Aremburge du Puiset, fille de Gelduin vicomte de Chartres ; ils eurent : Guillaume, abbé de Saint-Florent de Saumur de 1070 à 1118 ; Jean Ier de Dol, seigneur de Combourg puis archevêque de Dol de 1081 à 1092 ; Gelduin, archevêque élu de Dol mort à Chartres vers 1077 ; Havoise, épouse d'Alvus vicomte de Poher ; Geoffroy de Gorron (?). __________________________ Source : ---> [A very long discussion about the Gorron family ...] __________________________ Source : "... Gorron a donné son nom à la famille de Gorram très-ancienne ; elle posséda les terres de Saint-Bertevin, la Dorée, Lévaré et la ïennie. En 1128, Guillaume de Gorram donna au monastère de Saint-Michel l'église de Saint-Bertevin et la chapelle de la Tannière. Elle avait dans ses armes trois lions. Une branche s'est établie en Angleterre où elle existe encore. ... __________________________ Source : "N… Gorron ( ?)* Gofredus Riwalloniis filius ( ?) ou Geffroy Riwalt Seigneur de Gorron en Mayenne ? Né vers 1040-1050.Vassal de Geoffroy de Meduana ? il donne une donation entre 1080 et 1100 à l'abbaye de Mt-St-Michel en lui offrant des biens en Levaré, près de Gorron, à 7km. Il fonde le prieuré de Saint-Victeur de Levaré ci-dessus. Biens de Robert de Mortain les revenus de l'église, du four et du moulin de Gorron seront offerts au Chapitre de Mortain. vers 1082. Apud Gorronum Peut-on voir au travers de l'épouse de Geffroy fils de Riwal une enfant inconnue du dit Robert de Mortain ? - Hersende de Meduana * ( ?) Ruellon filius Geoffroy 1er Seigneur de Gorron ou de Gorham. Nés vers 1070. Rivallonus de Gorron filius Gaufredi donne en 1106 l'église de Brecé à Marmoutier avec l'autorisation de Gautier de Meduana ci-contre alors seigneur du fief. Riwallon étant très probablement l'un de ses sujets féaux. - William de Gorron * Mathilda. Né vers 1100. Seigneur de St-Berthevin, il érige vers 1128 le château de la Tannière (Cartulaire de St-.Michel de l'Abbayette). Il devient sujet de la Maison de Mayenne. ..." _______________________________ Source : "Robert de Mortain * Maud de Montgomery, Comte de Mortain par Guillaume 1er de Normandie. Seigneur de Conteville il eut pour frère Eudes de Conteville; Seigneur de Gorron en Mayenne par son ½ frère Guillaume 1er de Normandie. - Denise de Mortain * Guy II de Laval - ? N. de Gorron ( ?) * Goffredus Riwallonius filius ..." _______________________________ Source Par Sir Bernard Burke: "Gorham: The Gorhams came into England immediately after the Conquest; for "W. Filius GoRHaM," occurs in 1086, in Doomsday Survey (II. 441.), at Cippenhall, near Fresingfield, Suffolk. Their foreign settlement was at, or in the vicinity of, the town of Gorram (now Goron), in Maine, 15 miles N.W. of Mayenne; a fortified place attached to the fief of Normandy by Duke William, shortly before his invasion of England. Geoffrey De Gorram occurs as early as 922, as witness to a grant to the Monks of Notre Dame de Mars-sur-la-Futaye, at Villarenton (or Villa-Arunton), afterwards called L'Abbeyette (La Bayette, by error, in Cassini's map of France); a small Priory, of which a trace still remains, between Goron and Savigny: but Menage (Histoire de Sable) considers the charter as doubtful. Another Geoffrey De Gorram (probably the father of Geoffrey, Abbot of St. Alban's, of whom more hereafter) occurs in a grant of undoubted authenticity, at the end of Century XI., or early in Century XII., as being father of Euello or Rollo or Ralph De Gorram, who, before 1112, gave the perpetual advowsou of Brece, four miles from Gorram, to the Priory of Fountain-Gehard, near Mayenne, a Cell to Marmontier Abbey, at Tours. He married Hersendis, daughter of Walter, Lord of Mayenne. He was a benefactor to Savigny Abbey, and was living in 1120. He was probably the father of Robert, Abbot of St. Alban's. His eldest son, William De Gorram, ..." ______________________________ Source : "AT of Matilda of Mayenne, wife of Hugh II of Burgundy ... Juhel married Clemence, daughter of William Talvas of Ponthieu and Ela of Burgundy, while Hersendis married Ralph (or Rivallon) Fitz Geoffrey Fitz Rivallon de Gorron. ..." Geoffroy married N. DE MORTAIN [4250], daughter of Robert DE MORTAIN, , Earl Of Cornwall, Sire De Conteville [1365] and Mathilde DE MONTGOMMERY [636]. (N. DE MORTAIN [4250] was born about 1050 in Conteville, Normandie, France and died in , , France.)	DE GORRAM, Geoffroy Fitz Riwallon (I13571)
4768	[no title] 178 B/M/T100 1837 These documents are held at North Devon Record Office Contents: Conveyance and assignment of leasehold term to merge.1. John Stanning Dawe of Beaworthy, yeoman.2. John Reddaway of Buckland Filleigh, yeoman.3. Henry Hawkes of Okehampton, gent.4. Thomas Metter of Beaworthy, yeoman.5. Henry Churchward of Okehampton, scrivener.Four dwelling houses, buildings, Mowhay plot, barn, 2 gardens, fields called Newer Parks, Now Take, Garden Park, Pease Park, Hughes, Marsh Meadow als. Hughes Coombe, Beaworthy Meadow, Parsonage Meadow, Beaworthy Wood and 48 ac. of unenclosed part of Beaworthy Moor. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [no title] 178 B/M/T86 1849 These documents are held at North Devon Record Office Contents: Conveyance1. John Reddaway, sen., of Hatherleigh, gent.2. Henry Hawkes of Okehampton, gent.3. Charles Brown of Beaworthy, yeoman.4. John Stanning Dawe of Beaworthy, yeoman.5. John Smale of Beaworthy, yeoman.Dwelling house, garden, pigstye and shippen in possession of 4. [Formerly part of property in 178 B/M/T84]. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- [no title] 178 B/M/T113 1848 These documents are held at North Devon Record Office Contents: Conveyance1. John Stanning Dawe2. Henry Hawkes3. John Reddaway, sen.4. Charles Browne5. John James of Okehampton, accountant.Cottage or dwelling house built on field called 2 acres, fields called the Rowdens and Wheatey Moore in village of Beaworthy.	DAWE, John Stanning (I365)
4769	[S1916] Tim Boyle, "re: Boyle Family," e-mail message to Darryl Roger Lundy, 16 September 2006. Hereinafter cited as "re: Boyle Family."	DE BEAUCHAMP, William (I15799)
4770	[S6] G.E. Cokayne; with Vicary Gibbs, H.A. Doubleday, Geoffrey H. White, Duncan Warrand and Lord Howard de Walden, editors, The Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland, Great Britain and the United Kingdom, Extant, Extinct or Dormant, new ed., 13 volumes in 14 (1910-1959; reprint in 6 volumes, Gloucester, U.K.: Alan Sutton Publishing, 2000), volume II, page 46. Hereinafter cited as The Complete Peerage. [S6] Cokayne, and others, The Complete Peerage, volume II, page 47.	DE BEAUCHAMP, Sir William (I15783)
4771	[Source: Gatton Pedigree. See KAS journal http://www.kentarchaeology.org.uk/Research/Pub/ArchCant/005-1863/005-09.pdf] Charter circa 1214-1219 Mabel de Gatton, in her widowhood, grants to the Priory of Cumbwell certain land in Thurnham, on the hills between Bengeberi and Einton, which Walter Niger and Bartholomew his brother held of her and her ancestors; also seven acres in Thurnham, on the hills beside the road from Thurnham eastward to Einton; also a rent of 9d. which Godwin de Beritege (or Bertie) and his heirs are to pay at the Canons' Court of Hock, with a remedy of distraint upon Godwin. Footnote in source:" 1214 is the last date we possess for her first husband Hamo de Gatton (as I surmise him to have been) when he was with the army in Poitou and was probably killed there. 1219 is our earliest notice of her being the wife of Thomas de Bavelingham." Charter circa 1214-1219 Mabel de Gatton, in her widowhood, confirms the grant made to the Priory of Cumbwell by Walter de Risseford, of certain land on the hills in the ville of Thurneham adjoining the land of the Priory, which he had held under a deed of Stephen de Thurnham, her father, by service of a pair of gilt spurs, etc. Charter circa 1219. Mabel de Gatton, [patroness of the Convent of Cumbwell] by petition to Archbishop Langton, confirms the presentation of Henry their Prior, to the Church of Cumbwell by the Convent, to which she had given her consent while still a widow. Charter circa 1219. Petition of Mabel de Gatton, patroness of Cumbwell Abbey, to Archbishop Langton, praying for leave to consent to its being converted into a Priory, to save the expenses for an Abbey, the canons still retaining their right of election, and especially retaining intact the election just made of their Prior Henry. [Subsequently reduced to an Abbey to Archbishop Langton.] Charter post-1219. Mabel de Gatton, with consent of her husband Thomas de Bavelingham, grants to the Priory of Cumbwell the land between the walls of Thurnham Castle and Beyngebury, and Detling and the street leading towards Eynton, to be held "cum corpore suo." Source: Archaeologia Cant., Vol. V, p. 211-217.	DE THURNHAM, Mabel (I13549)
4772	[Source: Gatton Pedigree. See KAS journal http://www.kentarchaeology.org.uk/Research/Pub/ArchCant/005-1863/005-09.pdf] Gave 300 marks in 1215 for liberty to remarry after death of husband, Stephen de Thurnham. See Gatton Pedigree in ibid. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- le: A.3.4: MANOR OF CATTESHALL Reference: LM/ Description: The manor of Catteshall comprised land in the north east of the parish of Godalming and land in Chiddingfold. Although at one time held by the de Broc family who held Godalming Hundred, the manor had a separate descent between 1224, when Edelina de Broc's estate was divided between the five heirs of her husband, and 1565, when John Wintershall conveyed Catteshall to William More. The manor remained in the tenure of the family until 1836 when James More Molyneux sold the manor to George Marshall of Broadwater (see 1281/-). Catteshall manor does not consistently appear as a tithing in the main records of the Hundred courts. This is probably due to the convenience of keeping a separate record from which fines could be administered: Hamo de Gatton, lord of Catteshall, claimed the right to take the fines for views of frankpledge held at Catteshall by the lord of Godalming Hundred in c. 1279, and the VCH quotes an inquisition post mortem of 1292 which confirmed de Gatton's claim (Vol III, pp32-33). Court rolls for the manor itself include views after 1566 (LM/154). It is conceivable that separate records of views of frankpledge were not inherited by William More on his obtaining the manor, and that these have subsequently not survived. Records relating to the Wintershalls' tenure of the manor include minutes of the manor of Selhurst otherwise Wintershall which was also held of the family at that time. For rentals of the manor, 1651-1829, see records of the manor and hundred of Godalming, section A.3.7 below. For deeds of the manor see section G.3.4 and 5403/2/1; for records, 1840-1904, see 1218. Date: (1279)-1738 Held by: Surrey History Centre, not available at The National Archives Language: English	DE BROC, Edeline or Edalinda (I13552)
4773	[Source: Gatton Pedigree. See KAS journal http://www.kentarchaeology.org.uk/Research/Pub/ArchCant/005-1863/005-09.pdf] The Gatton or de Gatton family were an Anglo-Norman land-owning dynasty from Gatton in Surrey. Beginning with Hemfrid de Gatton they held significant parts of South-East England, particularly in Kent, Sussex and Surrey during the 11th, 12th and 13th Centuries. Significant members[edit] Hemfrid de Gatton (born: 1094, died: unknown) Hamo de Gatton (born: 1125, Gatton, died: 1165) Robert de Gatton (born: 1147, Gatton, died: 1190) Hamo de Gatton (born: 1170, Gatton, died: 1216) Robert de Gatton and the family lineage are mentioned in Edward Hasted's 1798 History of Kent thus: In the reign of king Henry III. Robert de Gatton, who took his name from the lordship of Gatton, in Surry [sic], of which his ancestors had been some time owners, was in possession of the manor Thrule, and died in the 38th year of that reign, holding it by knight's service of the king, of the honor of Peverel, by reason of the escheat of that honor, &c. (fn. 2) He was succeeded in it by this eldest son Hamo de Gatton, who resided here, and served the office of sheriff in the 14th year of Edward I. His eldest son of the same name left one son Edmund, then an instant, who afterwards dying under age, his two sisters became his coheirs, and divided his inheritance, of which Elizabeth entitled her husband William de Dene to this manor, and all the rest of the estates in Kent; and Margery entitled her husband Simon de Norwood to Gatton, and all the other estates in Surry. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- see Archaeologia Cantiana, Volume 5 for an extended discouse of lineage and connections of the de Gatton family, including at pp 221-222 a pedigree of the early generations of the family ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- GATTON Gatetune (x cent.); Gatone (xi cent.); Gatton (xii cent.). Gatton is a small parish 2 miles north-east from Reigate. It is bounded on the north by Chipstead, on the east by Merstham, on the south by Reigate, and on the west by Kingswood in Ewell. It is on the crest and southern slope of the chalk downs, and extends southwards on to the Upper Green Sand and Gault. The church and such village as there is stand on the Green Sand. The parish measures about a mile from east to west, and a trifle more from north to south, and contains 1,200 acres of land and 32 of water. A tongue of the parish ran southwards, south of Merstham to the boundary of Nutfield, but was added to Merstham (q.v.) in 1899. Practically the whole of Gatton is the property of the lord of the manor. Upper Gatton, standing in a park, was formerly the capital mansion of a separate manor (see below). It is now the seat of Mr. Alfred Benson. Nutwood Lodge is the seat of Capt. Charles Francis Cracroft Jarvis. The house called Gatton Tower is used as the rectory. The old rectory near the church was pulled down by Sir James Colebrooke, owner 1751–61, who also turned most of the glebe into the lake which he made, and altered the interior of the church, destroying all the old monuments. The Tower was originally what its name indicates, and probably built as a summer-house for the view on an eminence in the park, but has had a house attached to it. Footnotes GATTON Gatetune (x cent.); Gatone (xi cent.); Gatton (xii cent.). Gatton is a small parish 2 miles north-east from Reigate. It is bounded on the north by Chipstead, on the east by Merstham, on the south by Reigate, and on the west by Kingswood in Ewell. It is on the crest and southern slope of the chalk downs, and extends southwards on to the Upper Green Sand and Gault. The church and such village as there is stand on the Green Sand. The parish measures about a mile from east to west, and a trifle more from north to south, and contains 1,200 acres of land and 32 of water. A tongue of the parish ran southwards, south of Merstham to the boundary of Nutfield, but was added to Merstham (q.v.) in 1899. The situation of Gatton is highly picturesque. The upper part of the parish, on the chalk hills, is upwards of 700 ft. above the sea. A great part of the centre of the parish is taken up by Gatton Park, which covers 550 acres, nearly a half of the whole acreage. In it is the lake formed by damming up water from small springs which ultimately flow down to the Mole. There are two other ponds. The parish is very well wooded with various kinds of trees. The village is represented by a small group of houses at the north-eastern gate of the park; but there is no shop, no public-house, and now no school. There are five gentlemen's houses, one vacant, besides Gatton Park and the rectory, and one farm. There were undoubtedly other houses in the ground now covered by the park, but though Gatton was a borough there is no evidence that it was ever a place of any importance or of any large population. The so-called town hall is an open portico supported on pillars in the pseudo-classical style, and may date from the 18th century, when the proprietor was usually the only voter. In it now is an urn 'in memory of the deceased borough.' The same stone which is dug at Merstham is also found and worked in Gatton parish. The road which skirts the north-eastern side of Gatton Park is apparently part of the old line of communication along the chalk downs, and the Ordnance map marks it as called in Gatton, 'The Pilgrims' Way.' This does not appear to be justified. The old way left the present road at a point near the north-east corner of the park and crossed the park to the present lodge, whence it continues still eastward to Merstham. The old line of road is clearly visible in the park. In the northern part of the parish British coins have been found, some way north of the old road. Close to the former school, much nearer the road and lodge entrance to the park just mentioned, both British and Roman coins have been found. In the park, near Nutwood House, is an ancient well which has what is supposed to be Roman masonry round the upper part. Roman tiles have been picked up, and the late rector, Mr. Larken, had a bronze ring which he found in the park, which was said by the late Sir A. W. Franks of the British Museum to be part of Roman ornamental horse trappings, intended to hold two straps together. There is therefore reason to believe that Gatton was occupied during the Roman dominion in Britain. Practically the whole of Gatton is the property of the lord of the manor. Upper Gatton, standing in a park, was formerly the capital mansion of a separate manor (see below). It is now the seat of Mr. Alfred Benson. Nutwood Lodge is the seat of Capt. Charles Francis Cracroft Jarvis. The house called Gatton Tower is used as the rectory. The old rectory near the church was pulled down by Sir James Colebrooke, owner 1751–61, who also turned most of the glebe into the lake which he made, and altered the interior of the church, destroying all the old monuments. The Tower was originally what its name indicates, and probably built as a summer-house for the view on an eminence in the park, but has had a house attached to it. There is now no school. The late Lord Oxenbridge supported a national school of about twenty children. It was started as an infant school about fifty years ago and made a mixed school about ten years later. It was his private property and sold with the estate. After the Act of 1902 it was discontinued. The few children attend Merstham or Chipstead School. BOROUGH So far as can be judged from somewhat scanty records there appear to be no traces of burgage tenure in Gatton before the middle of the 15th century, when it first sent two burgesses to Parliament, and subsequently there are no signs of a corporate community except in respect of the distinct Parliamentary representation of the 'borough.' In 1086 the only tenants of the manor were 6 villeins and 3 bordars (fn. 1) and later extents do not show any peculiarity of tenure. The town inhabitants, numbering seventeen, were assessed in 1332 for a tenth as a town, instead of the fifteenth then levied from rural districts, (fn. 2) but the term 'borough' was not apparently applied to Gatton till 1450, when it returned two burgesses. (fn. 3) The returning officer was the constable, (fn. 4) who was at first appointed in the sheriff's tourn at Tandridge and afterwards in the quarter sessions. (fn. 5) From 1450 until the Reform Act of 1832 Gatton returned two burgesses to Parliament. The first extant return, that of 1452–3, (fn. 6) was made by the constable 'with the assent of the whole borough.' (fn. 7) From the first it must have been a 'pocket' borough. In 1536 the Duke of Norfolk, then lord of the neighbouring borough of Reigate, noted Gatton, 'where Sir Roger Copley dwelleth,' among the towns for 'which in times past he could have made burgesses.' (fn. 8) In 1539 Sir Roger Copley found the privilege burdensome, for there was only one house to be any help in paying the members' wages. (fn. 9) In 1547 Sir Roger, as 'burgess and only inhabitant of the borough and town,' elected Richard Shelley and John Tyngelden, (fn. 10) and after his death his widow nominated the burgesses, one of them in 1558, her own son, then under age. (fn. 11) After the death of Sir Thomas Copley in 1584 his widow was not allowed to elect burgesses, since she was a recusant, but members were nominated in 1584 by Lord Burghley as chief officer of the Court of Wards. (fn. 12) In 1586 the lords of the Council recommended two members to the deputy-lieutenants of the county, but two others of similar loyal opinions were in fact returned. (fn. 13) The Copleys, who were always notorious recusants, never regained their right of nomination, though their influence must have been considerable, for in a dispute concerning the election of 1620 it was stated that six out of the seven houses in the 'town' were occupied by tenants of William Copley, although the right of election was decided in favour of the freeholders, (fn. 14) and in 1696 it was agreed that the franchise was in the freeholders of the borough not receiving alms and occupying their own freeholds. (fn. 15) In 1832 the borough was disfranchised as having, with its twenty-three houses, the unenviable position of fourth from the bottom of the list of 'rotten boroughs.' There is no evidence of a charter of incorporation. MANOR One hide at Gatton was bequeathed by Alfred the Ealdorman to Ethelwald his son between the years 871 and 889. (fn. 16) In the time of Edward the Confessor Gatton was assessed at 10 hides. It was held by Earl Leofwine, brother of Earl Harold, who held the earldom of the county. (fn. 17) He fell at Hastings, and Gatton became the land of Bishop Odo of Bayeux, of whom it was held by a certain Herfrey. (fn. 18) The bishop forfeited the overlordship of Gatton with his other English possessions through his complicity in the Norman rebellion of 1088. Probably it was then held of his manor of Ospringe, co. Kent, to which the lord of Gatton was said to owe suit of court from the 13th century onwards. (fn. 19) Both Ospringe and Gatton were members of the honour of Peverel in Dover. (fn. 20) The actual tenant in 1086 was Herfrey. His son or grandson Hamon gave a moiety of the manor to Ralph de Dene in marriage with his elder daughter Joan, reserving to himself the other moiety for life, with remainder to Ralph. The agreement was confirmed by Henry II, (fn. 21) but Hamon's heir male, Robert de Gatton, (fn. 22) evidently took possession of his moiety, but was ousted c. 1190, by Geoffrey de Beauvale in right of his wife Idonea. She was mother of Robert de Dene, (fn. 23) and probably connected with Ralph de Dene, for in 1220 the heirs of Ralph de Dene, Geoffrey Sackville, Richard de Cumberland, his wife Sibyl, and Parnel de Beauvale, granddaughter of Geoffrey de Beauvale, impleaded Hamon son of Robert de Gatton for his failure to keep an agreement concerning a moiety of the manor with Robert de Dene. (fn. 24) . The plea was postponed on account of the minority of Parnel, whose mother Margery had recovered seisin of one carucate at Gatton against Hamon before 1223. (fn. 25) In that year he recovered this carucate from Parnel, since her father Ralph son of Geoffrey de Beauvale, a spendthrift who hated his heirs, had restored it to Robert de Gatton for £28 in the time of King John. (fn. 26) In 1227 she joined with the other heirs of Ralph de Dene in a release of the whole manor to Hamon de Gatton. (fn. 27) He was appointed escheator of the Crown for Surrey in 1232, (fn. 28) but died in or before 1235, when his lands, saving the dower of his widow Beatrice, were given into the custody of William of York during the minority of his heir. (fn. 29) This heir was probably Robert de Gatton, (fn. 30) who died seised of the manor in or before 1264. (fn. 31) His son and heir Hamon, Sheriff of Kent in 1285, (fn. 32) was holding the manor at his death shortly before 1 February 1291–2. (fn. 33) He was succeeded by a son of the same name, whose infant son Edmund inherited Gatton upon his death, c. 1299. (fn. 34) The custody of all Hamon's lands with the exception of Gatton Park was granted in 1301 to the executors of Edmund Earl of Cornwall in part payment of the king's debt to him. (fn. 35) They conveyed it to Sir William Milksop, kt., who sold it to John Northwood. (fn. 36) Edmund de Gatton did not live to enjoy his inheritance, which was divided between his two sisters and co-heirs, Elizabeth wife of William de Dene, and Margaret wife of Simon Northwood, brother or son of John Northwood. (fn. 37) Gatton was evidently assigned to the latter, for her husband was holding the manor in 1327, (fn. 38) and her son Sir Robert Northwood, kt., was holding in 1344, (fn. 39) and was summoned to do homage for it in 1345. (fn. 40) He died in 1360, leaving a son and heir Thomas. (fn. 41) The latter's sisters and co-heirs, Agnes Northwood and Joan wife of John de Levedale, conveyed the manor to Richard, Earl of Arundel and Surrey, in 1364, (fn. 42) and Gatton was among the lands seized by the Crown on the attainder and execution of his son Richard in 1397. (fn. 43) His son Thomas, Earl of Arundel, was restored to his father's lands in 1399, (fn. 44) and so probably to Gatton, although no record mentions his tenure of it. At his death in 1415 his lands were divided among his three sisters and co-heirs, the eldest of whom, Elizabeth, married Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk. Her great-grandson, John, Duke of Norfolk, probably granted Gatton about 1446 (fn. 45) to his retainer John Timperley, (fn. 46) who in 1449 had licence to inclose the manor. (fn. 47) John Timperley conveyed the manor (fn. 48) to feoffees to the use of Roger Copley and his wife Anne and their heirs. (fn. 49) Roger Copley, son of the former Roger and Anne, in May 1537 entailed it on his son Thomas; after his death, which took place in 1548, (fn. 50) his widow Elizabeth nominated the burgesses, and Thomas Copley represented Gatton in 1554, 1557–8, and 1562–3. (fn. 51) Under Queen Mary he was committed to the custody of the Serjeant at Arms for indiscreet words in favour of the Lady Elizabeth in Parliament. (fn. 52) He had scruples about the oath of supremacy, left England without licence in 1569 and became a leader among the English fugitives, was created Baron Copley of Gatton by the King of Spain, and died in Flanders in 1584. (fn. 53) His son and heir William Copley settled the manor on his younger son William in 1615, but the latter died in 1623 in his lifetime, leaving two infant daughters, Mary and Anne. (fn. 54) His estate had been sequestered for his recusancy c. 1611, and an annuity of £160 from it granted to Sir William Lane, who had evidently procured the sequestration. (fn. 55). Footnotes: 17. Freeman, Norm. Conq. ii, 568. 18. V.C.H. Surr. i, 303a. 19. Chan. Inq. p.m. 29 Edw. I, no. 58; ibid. (Ser. 2), ccccv, 159. 20. Red Bk. of Exch. ii, 617, 709; Testa de Nevill (Rec. Com.), 220, 226. 21. Curia Regis R. 78 (Mich. 4 & 5 Hen. III), m. 10. 22. Ibid. 83 (Mich. 7 & 8 Hen. III), m. 7 d. 23. Pipe R. 2 Ric. I, m. 13 d. Her name occurs in Curia Regis R. 83, m. 7 d. 24. Curia Regis R. 78, m. 10. 25. Feet of F. Surr. 8 Hen. III, 28. 26. Curia Regis R. 83, m. 7 d. and Feet of F. Surr. 8 Hen. III, 28. Hamon, however, paid her 30 marks for the quitclaim. 27. Feet of F. Surr. 11 Hen. III, 38. 28. Cal. Close, 1231–4, p. 130. 29. Cal. Pat. 1232–47, p. 130; Excerpta e Rot. Fin. i, 292. 30. Cf. Feet of F. Surr. 32 Hen. III, 4. 31. Chan. Inq. p.m. 48 Hen. III, no. 20. 32. List of Sheriffs (P.R.O.), 67. 33. Chan. Inq. p.m. 20 Edw. I, no. 25. 34. Ibid. 29 Edw. I, no. 58. 35. Cal. Pat. 1292–1301, p. 603. 36. Ibid. 1301–7, p. 338. 37. Plac. Abbrev. (Rec. Com.), 318. 38. Chan. Inq. p.m. 1 Edw. III (1st nos.), no. 35. 39. Chan. Misc. Inq. file 151 (18 Edw. III, 2nd nos.), no. 95. 40. Cal. Close, 1343–6, p. 528. 41. Chan. Inq. p.m. 34 Edw. III (1st nos.), no. 72. 42. Close, 37 Edw. III, m. 38–40; Feet of F. Surr. 38 Edw. III, 39. 43. Chan. Inq. p.m. 21 Ric. II, 137, m. 11e. 44. a Cal. Pat. 1399–1401, p. 134. 45. It was at this date that he granted Flanchford in Reigate. 46. He was M.P. for Reigate in 1453 and 1460. 47. Chart. R. 27–39 Hen. VI, no. 41. 48. It is strange that as late as 1468–9 Gatton is included in lands granted by the Duke of Norfolk to Thomas Hoo and others, apparently trustees, who seem to have granted these lands to a certain John Charlys in exchange for a manor in Suffolk (Feet of F. Div. Co. 8 Edw. IV, 64; Early Chan. Proc. bdle. 137, no. 4). Whether this inclusion is an error or not it is difficult to say, but in 1518 Roger Copley received a quitclaim from Michael Denys and his wife Margery (Feet of F. Surr. Mich. 10 Hen. VIII) which may represent Charlys' interest. 49. Feet of F. Surr. Mich. 10 Hen. VIII; Berry, Surr. Gen. 85. 50. Chan. Inq. p.m. (Ser. 2), lxxxix, 139. 51. Ret. of Memb. of Parl. i, 391, 394, 398, 406. 52. Cal. S.P. Dom. 1580–1625, p. 66. 53. Dict. Nat. Biog. xii, 189; Cal. S.P. Dom. 1580–1625, p. 66. 54. Chan. Inq. p.m. (Ser. 2), ccccv, 159. 55. Cal. S.P. Dom. 1611–18, p. 31.	DE THROWLEY, Hamund (I13179)
4774	[Source: Gatton Pedigree. See KAS journal http://www.kentarchaeology.org.uk/Research/Pub/ArchCant/005-1863/005-09.pdf]	DE THURNHAM, Robert (I13564)
4775	[Source: Gatton Pedigree. See KAS journal http://www.kentarchaeology.org.uk/Research/Pub/ArchCant/005-1863/005-09.pdf]	DE GARLANDE LATER DE THURNHAM, Guy (I13714)
4776	[Source: Gatton Pedigree. See KAS journal http://www.kentarchaeology.org.uk/Research/Pub/ArchCant/005-1863/005-09.pdf]	DE THURNHAM, Gilbert (I13715)
4777	[Source: Gatton Pedigree. See KAS journal http://www.kentarchaeology.org.uk/Research/Pub/ArchCant/005-1863/005-09.pdf]	Family (F4060)
4778	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Additional supplements published under the title of La Collection Tanguay on CD-Rom by Global Heritage Press ISBN 1-894378-47-4 - http://www.globalgenealogy.com.	Source (S114)
4779	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Additional supplements published under the title of La Collection Tanguay on CD-Rom by Global Heritage Press ISBN 1-894378-47-4 - http://www.globalgenealogy.com.	Source (S3)
4780	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Also available on the world wide web at http://www.pro.gov.uk - Documents On-line.	Source (S121)
4781	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Also found on the world wide web at http:.//www.census.pro.gov.uk or on www.ancestry.com	Source (S78)
4782	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Also found on the world wide web at http://www.familysearch.org - Search, Census.	Source (S21)
4783	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Also found on the world wide web at http://www.familysearch.org - Search, Census.	Source (S100)
4784	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Also found on world wide web at http://www.familysearch.org.	Source (S20)
4785	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Also transcript and images searchable online at www.familysearch.org, record search pilot, or images available via www.ancestry.com	Source (S52)
4786	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Also transcript searchable online at www.familysearch.org or images available via www.ancestry.com	Source (S51)
4787	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y As found on ancestry.com	Source (S50)
4788	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Available on the website of the Archives of Ontario and indexed, with images, on http://automatedgenealogy.com	Source (S93)
4789	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Images available via www.findmypast.co.uk. Subscription or credits required to view full details.	Source (S124)
4790	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y index and abstract available on http://www.origins.net subscription service	Source (S112)
4791	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Information drawn from that supplied by family members.	Source (S30)
4792	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Original image available via www.ancestry.com - World Deluxe Subscription edition.	Source (S110)
4793	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Original image available via www.ancestry.com - World Deluxe Subscription edition.	Source (S111)
4794	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y Surname index to unique heads of household on world wide web at http://www.130.15.161.100/census/index.html or at http://www.archives.gov.on.ca/	Source (S58)
4795	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y	Source (S1)
4796	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y	Source (S5)
4797	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y	Source (S6)
4798	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y	Source (S8)
4799	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y	Source (S9)
4800	_ITALIC: Y _PAREN: Y	Source (S10)

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